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Interview with Craig Williams
Sy Snyder talks with 7th
Congressional District candidate, and former Marine and federal
prosecutor, Craig Williams about today's pressing issues and his run for
Congressman Joe Sestak's seat in Southeast PA.
SS:
Congressman Sestak has said the number one
issue voters in the district are concerned about is the economy. What
can the federal government do to allay people's concerns?
CW: The
federal government can start by letting workers keep more of their
hard-earned dollars. The federal budget is filled with waste and pork
barrel spending that ultimately drives up taxes on working people.
Unfortunately, Joe Sestak has repeatedly voted against extending the
2001 and 2003 tax cuts. In fact, the budget bill he supported earlier
this year sought to increase federal spending through $683 billion in
tax increases. Those tax increases included the restoration of the
marriage tax penalty, lower deductions for the child tax credit, and
increased income tax rates for low and middle income families, to name a
few. In all, each resident in my district is projected to see a tax
increase by more than $2,700 on average, per year. Given the current
economic situation, Congress should be taking steps to address the
public's concerns - not voting to further increase taxes.
We can also allay
people's fears by taking action to address the energy crisis. By
approving a comprehensive, "all of the above" approach to energy reform,
Congress can show the American people that it is taking action to wean
our nation from foreign oil and establish greater energy independence.
This, along with the greatly improving value of the dollar, will help
restore the American people's confidence in the overall economic health
of our nation.
SS:
On
what issues has Congressman Sestak sought to re-invent himself as a
moderate?
CW: In July, Joe Sestak went on NBC 10's "Live @ Issue" and
told Steve Highsmith that he supports drilling in ANWR. But in
fact, Sestak is a co-sponsor of legislation that would prohibit
recovery of oil and natural gas from ANWR. More recently, he has
attempted to portray himself as a supporter of nuclear energy and
off-shore drilling. However, he keeps throwing out a litany of
Democrat pre-conditions that must first occur before he would vote
for these expanded energy opportunities. He is basically telling
voters what they want to hear, while setting up the issue
with fictitious pre-conditions so that he never has to actually
support it.
On the war on Iraq, Sestak campaigned in 2006 on the idea that it
was a "tragic misadventure" and called for the immediate withdrawal
of troops from Iraq. The first piece of legislation he introduced
when he went to Congress was a bill of surrender, calling for the
withdrawal of all U.S. troops by the end of 2007. Fortunately, not
even Sestak's own Democrat party would get behind that legislation.
And when our commanders on the ground in Iraq and John McCain called
for the surge of U.S. forces, Sestak went to the floor of Congress
and called the surge "doubling down on a bad bet." Until about two
weeks ago, Sestak has steadfastly maintained that the surge has not
worked. Sestak has now abandoned his calls for the withdraw of
troops by a date certain and no longer supports his own legislation
calling for the immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces. The surge he
opposed has proven to be a success and Sestak now says we should
work with the Iraqi government to establish an overall timeline for
the orderly withdraw of troops - the very position many Republicans
were rightfully taking in 2006. Of course, the U.S. has in place a
framework for a Status of Forces Agreement with the government of
Iraq, which establishes a phased withdrawal from Iraq. So, Sestak's
position of surrender was overcome by victory. Sestak's position on
Iraq has shifted with the polls. That's not leadership, that's
pandering.
And in June, we saw Sestak flip-flop on the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act. After I repeatedly called him to task for going
on vacation while our intelligence capabilities were diminished
because of the expired Protect America Act, Sestak ultimately voted
to allow overseas wiretaps of foreign terrorists and supported
granting immunity to telecommunications companies on the issue of
wiretaps after saying he was against it. One Stanford University
law professor called it a "face saving technique" and "capitulation"
on the part of Sestak and other Democrats. To this day, he denies
that his vote on FISA permits immediate wiretapping and immunity for
telecommunications companies, when he knows that it does.
But for all his public attempts to appear to move to the middle, he
still has an extremely liberal voting record in Washington, DC.
That includes the budget bill and tax increases I mentioned earlier,
his support of card check legislation that would result in a corrupt
voting practice to unionize businesses, and his support of the
so-called "Fairness Doctrine", which would essentially dictate to
talk radio hosts what they could and could not talk about on the
air. Sestak's voting record is out of step with the political
beliefs of the voters of the 7th District. Part of my challenge is
to make the voters aware of that.
SS:
How do you plan to
distinguish yourself from a national republican party that many
Americans seem poised to reject?
CW:
I disagree with the notion that the American people are poised to reject
the Republican Party as a whole. I think many Americans still believe
strongly in the core principles of the Republican Party -- lower taxes
and fiscal responsibility; free market principles; strong national
security; and the rejection of big government solutions. What the
people are rejecting are President Bush and his failed policies. But at
the same time, people are equally disappointed with the job Congress has
done, as shown by the institution's historically low approval rating.
That is because Congress hasn't addressed some of the key issues on the
minds of voters - and the energy crisis tops that list.
On the campaign
trail, I often say that Republicans and Democrats in Washington are
equally responsible for not getting the job done. And Congressman Joe
Sestak, who I am running against, is part of the problem. He has
repeatedly blocked bi-partisan efforts to bring energy reform to the
floor of Congress. He also has helped block the consideration of strong
bi-partisan legislation to address illegal immigration in our nation by
strengthening our borders. And this is legislation he was a co-sponsor
of -- legislation that he now will not support bringing to the floor for
a vote.
The American people
are rejecting politics as usual. They want people who will reach across
the aisle, regardless of party labels, and work to address the problems
our nation faces. Joe Sestak is not that person - he's voted with Nancy
Pelosi 98 percent of the time in Congress and repeatedly blocked even
the consideration of bi-partisan legislation. I believe strongly that a
bill should be voted up and down on its merits. But many strong,
innovative pieces of legislation are not even allowed to be debated on
the floor of congress. That's wrong.
I think the tide is
turning in favor of Republicans, and the American people seem poised to
reject Senator Obama and his lack of experience. People are beginning
to see through the hype - and I don't think they believe Obama is ready
or prepared to be our Commander in Chief. Even my opponent is trying to
remake himself as a moderate - publicly adopting GOP-like positions that
are clearly not in synch with his voting record in Washington.
SS: What
did you learn on your recent trip to ANWR?
CW: I learned
that we can responsibly explore for oil and natural gas on the coastal
plain of ANWR. I also learned that we have to work hard to get rid of
the mythical barriers put in front of us by the Democrats about drilling
for oil.
First, we are not
talking about drilling in the midst of rolling mountains and areas
teeming with wildlife. The debate is actually about a small portion of
ANWR known as the 10-02 area (which is part of the coastal plain of the
North Slope), which was set aside for possible drilling by Congress in
1980. That area - which makes up less than 8 percent of the 19 million
acre refuge -- is barren, Arctic tundra that is frozen with ice and snow
and temperatures well below 0 degrees for eight to nine months of the
year. Of that 1.5 million acres that make up the 10-02 area, drilling
would only occur on about 2,000 acres. In short, we are talking about
2,000 acres in an area that is more than 3 times the size of New
Jersey.
I also had the
opportunity to meet with a number of Eskimo leaders during our trip. In
the village of Kaktovik, which is actually within the 10-02 area of ANWR,
the people overwhelmingly favor drilling for oil, as long as it is done
in an environmentally responsible manner. This small village of 300
people has a high unemployment rate and people struggle with the costs
of consumer goods that many of us take for granted. A quart of motor
oil, for example, costs as much as $50. Ironically the Kaktovik people
have even determined that they have oil on their own land, but are
prohibited by the federal government from recovering that oil. So much
for property rights. Remember, the Eskimos of Kaktovik live a
subsistence lifestyle, which means protecting their local habitat is
very important to their way of life. They insist that the tundra be
protected, and they are confident that oil and natural gas exploration
can be done responsibly.
But one of the most
interesting aspects of the trip was learning the truth about the sham
policy that Democrats in Congress are promoting - the so called "use it
or lose it." The Democrats argue that oil companies have leases on land
where oil exists, but they have chosen not to recover that oil. It
simply is not true. In most cases the oil that is discovered is so
small that it is not cost effective to build the recovery sites and then
ship it to refineries. Or it is too difficult to get it out of the
ground because of the surrounding geology. Or, as is the case in parts
of Alaska, the oil then has be piped hundreds of miles to another
pipeline. And all the while, environmentalists are halting oil recovery
in federal courts.
The case of the
National Petroleum Reserve - Alaska (NPR-A) offers a clear example of
the fallacy of the Democrat argument. The NPR-A sits on 23.5 million
acres of the North Slope, in tundra that is very similar to the tundra
of ANWR. The primary difference between the tundra of the NPR-A and
ANWR is that the NPR-A is far more a wetland than the tundra of ANWR.
As a result, there is far more wildlife in the NPR-A, including
migratory water foul, grizzly bears, wolves, wolverines, and thousands
of caribou. (As you can imagine, the Eskimos of the North Slope Borough
believe that the federal government got it completely backwards when
they set aside ANWR and chose to develop the NPR-A.)
Since 1999, the
Bureau of Land Management has sold more than 300 leases to explore for
oil in the NPR-A, but not one drop of oil has been sent to market from
discoveries made in the NPR-A. First, companies are unable to drill
there because environmentalists have kept the leases locked up in
litigation for the past 10 years. Local Eskimo officials also noted
that drilling there would require a 250-mile pipeline to reach the
Trans-Alaska Pipeline in Prudhoe Bay (the site of the largest oil find
in the United States). Similarly, the Army Corps of Engineers has not
provided the companies with an okay to build a pipeline over a major
river. In addition, the Bureau of Land Management has not yet issued
the construction permits necessary to begin drilling. "Use it or lose
it" is just a political charade designed to deflect attention from the
inaction by Congress on this issue.
I have seen the
coastal plain of Alaska. I have spoken to native residents. And I have
seen first-hand how the oil industry has significantly improved its oil
and natural gas recovery operations to have an ever-smaller footprint on
the surface of the earth, responding to concerns about protecting the
environment. We can safely and responsibly drill for oil in ANWR, while
preserving the pristine quality of the North Slope of Alaska.
ANWR is not the
solution to our energy problems, but it should be part of the solution.
Our long-term goal as a nation must be to move away from a dependence on
fossil fuels toward renewable energy sources. But we need to be
realistic. Today, less than 6 percent of our nation's energy production
comes from renewable energy resources such as hydro-electric, solar, and
wind power. We need to provide a bridge to tomorrow that provides us
with access to domestic energy resources -- such as ANWR -- until we can
implement sustainable, affordable, and more widespread renewable energy
policies and technologies.
SS:
Why so
passionate about this particular issue?
CW: Because I
believe this is one of the largest crises our nation has faced. So many
aspects of our daily lives are tied to energy. Families are being
forced to make tough household budget decisions as gas prices drive up
the cost of food and other consumer goods. Seniors are being forced to
cut back on the amount of heating oil they purchase because of high
prices - leaving many in potentially life-threatening situations in the
coming winter months.
Two-thirds of our
nation's oil comes from foreign countries. In fact, we send more than
$700 billion each year to foreign nations each year for oil. And many
of these countries make no effort to hide their disdain for democracy
and our way of life. This is not just about, $4.00 a gallon gas, this
is also about our nation's economic and national security.
I suppose I'm
passionate about this issue because I'm frustrated that Congress has not
properly addressed the energy issue. We knew back in the 1970s that we
were headed toward an energy train wreck. But our nation's leaders
buried their collective heads in the sand. Republicans failed to invest
properly in alternative energy sources while Democrats moved to block
our nation from accessing our own fossil based fuels, including oil in
the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and off-shore. As a result we are
heavily reliant on Middle Eastern countries and OPEC for our energy
sources. These nations now hold incredible power over our economy.
We need to buy
ourselves 15 to 20 years of traditional energy from domestic sources
until we can rely more heavily on renewable energy sources. That
includes domestic recovery of oil and natural gas, utilizing
clean-burning coal technologies, and increasing the use of nuclear power
all while increasing conservation, improving energy efficiency, and
funding continued renewable energy research.
SS: How
will the selection of governor palin play with voters in the district
you're seeking to represent?
CW: I think
Sarah Palin was a fantastic pick. My brother was her speechwriter
during her Gubernatorial campaign, so I have had the opportunity to get
to know her a little over the years. Most recently, I sat down with her
for a meeting during her visit in June to Philadelphia for the National
Governor’s Association meeting and then did a joint press conference
with her a few days later during my visit to Alaska to promote increased
domestic oil production. I have been a major proponent of Sarah Palin
as the Vice President pick for several months now.
I think suburban
voters – men and women alike – see a lot of themselves in her. This is
a woman who identifies with the needs of working-class families, who was
involved in her own kids’ education as a member of the PTA, who went and
sat at her kids’ sports games. She bucked the Republican Party leaders
in Alaska over ethics and corruption issues. She’s a straight shooter
who stands up for what she believes is right.
Since Sarah Palin’s
selection I have seen a rejuvenated and re-energized Republican Party in
Delaware, Chester, and Montgomery Counties. We’re getting more and more
volunteers in our campaign and have seen our numbers continue to rise
over the past few weeks.
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